While the Americans have used their votes in a Presidential election to start a process of change that will make their country a dynamic power, Britons still can’t stop putting a cross on election ballot papers as directed by an Establishment that hates them and is solely concerned with its self-preservation – to the detriment of the lives of those voters; people who literally support it. No wonder the Establishment thought it could win the EU referendum by exploiting an act of violence (let’s treat it at face value) against an MP. It must have thought influencing the Sleaford and North Hykeham by-election by some confidence trickery in Parliament was relative child’s play.
What is being referred to is the vote on Wednesday 7th December on Labour’s motion regarding the Government’s Brexit timetable, and the amendment by the Tories (aided by the one so-called UKIP MP in the Commons). This was perceived by very many as a victory for those who want Britain to leave the EU. It was far from it. It was a trick – that worked – to dampen the UKIP challenge in the Sleaford and North Hykeham by-election that was to take place the very next day after the vote. But that was only on one level. On another level, on closer inspection, the vote was about Parliament wriggling into a position to ignore the plain instruction that the result of the referendum clearly constitutes.
Before proceeding further, the reader needs to be absolutely clear. The Tory Party is pro-EU. ConservativeHome reported that they thought 185 Tory MPs voted for Remain, and 128 for Leave in the referendum. The Tory Party has a Remainer leader – the British have a crowned Prime Minister who didn’t want them to leave the EU. That this coronation happened reflected the fact that the British Government didn’t want the UK to leave the EU. And nothing has changed. The British Government does not want the UK to leave the EU. The Tory Party does not want the UK to leave the EU. Everything you see from now on that looks like process to leave the EU will merely be positioning to remain in the EU in all but name. You can take that to the bank.
So, now let’s look at the by-election issue. People awaking on Thursday in that Sleaford and North Hykeham constituency would have been faced with headlines like this:
Brexit: Keir Starmer presses for ‘detailed’ plan as MPs vote to trigger article 50
MPs vote to trigger Brexit in March after promise of a plan
Theresa May secures Article 50 victory in the Commons
All of a sudden it looked very much as if the House of Commons had voted to approve the triggering of Article 50. If you were a Tory voter in Sleaford – and there is a lot of them – and you were a typical British politically-naïve BBC-consuming sheeple (a Conservatroid, in this case), and you had been dissatisfied with Theresa May’s progress, and you’d been thinking about voting UKIP, why would you now go and do that after such news?
On top of that, social media was full of jubilant Leavers. UKIP retweeted something from their MEP Jonathan Arnott – supposedly a champion chess player – congratulating Douglas Carswell (an expert on the culture of presentation in Parliament) for the part he played. Some Leavers picked up and ran with a ball that, incongruously, even the Remain-supporting Mirror was pushing:
“Which MPs voted against triggering Article 50 before April 2017?”
Who were the 89 MPs who voted against the government’s Brexit timetable?
This is referring to 89 MPs who voted against a Tory amendment concerned with the triggering of Article 50. This sort of thing is an old trick and a dead giveaway – it’s a clue (especially when the whole media is in lockstep synchronised promotion of the same talking point) that we’re dealing with an Establishment full-political-spectrum-wide psychological operation. The meme of scapegoating 89 MPs alone encourages people to focus on an irrelevance; it’s the whole House that is actually blame-worthy. It’s not the first time that the author has seen this tactic being used.
Back to the Sleaford by-election, and commentary has concentrated on Labour slipping from second place in the 2015 General Election to fourth. But this isn’t the real story. If we take the percentages attained by the four parties in 2015, and we apply them to the turnout of the by-election, we find that 1) the Tories received 915 votes less than they should – which represents a 5% loss. 2) UKIP received 738 votes less than they should – which represents a 14% loss. 3) Labour received 2327 votes less than they should – a 41% loss. The Lib Dems, however, gained 1732 votes more than they should have expected – a gain of 92%.
The by-election was a huge victory for the Lib Dems. We should attribute this to Remain voters identifying the Lib Dems as the vehicle for their battle. On the other side, UKIP failed to become the default party for Leave voters. In real terms, UKIP actually finished third, and this would be because of the hoax that the Commons pulled the night before the election. Because of that sham, and because of similar cons that the Establishment will undoubtedly stage going forward, the Tories will be seen as a safe pair of hands for Brexit in their strongholds. UKIP won’t get a look-in unless it calls the Tories out for the con-artists that they are. As for Labour, another pro-EU party, we won’t see it die as some people are expecting. It might lose out to the Lib Dems in the south, but it won’t lose to UKIP in the north if it is seen to be trying to achieve some kind of exit. This is how the Establishment plans to maintain the LibLabCon, and it will work as long as the British continue to be as spectacularly obtuse as they have always been (i.e. if they continue to be addicted to television – because that is the source of their astounding naivety and continuing actual stupidity).
So getting past the fake news, the truth is that no such event occurred in the House of Commons whereby the Government has been given the go ahead to trigger Article 50. Here’s a headline that better represents the reality:
MPs vote to demand Brexit plan and say article 50 should be triggered by end March
What happened was that MPs voted to demand a Brexit plan from Theresa May. That’s all. It doesn’t even mean there necessarily will be one (although we should expect it). There was no positive development with regards to Article 50 at all, in fact the detail suggests things are far from it. Basically, the LibLabCon conspired to produce more potential obstacles to Brexit (which was the Labour motion), and watered down the meaning of the referendum result (in the Tory amendment). Let’s look at it more closely.
This is the text of the Labour motion:
That this House recognises that leaving the EU is the defining issue facing the UK; notes the resolution on parliamentary scrutiny of the UK leaving the EU agreed by the House on 12 October 2016; recognises that it is Parliament’s responsibility to properly scrutinise the Government while respecting the decision of the British people to leave the European Union; confirms that there should be no disclosure of material that could be reasonably judged to damage the UK in any negotiations to depart from the European Union after Article 50 has been triggered; and calls on the Prime Minister to commit to publishing the Government’s plan for leaving the EU before Article 50 is invoked.
Look at this bit: “This House… recognises that it is Parliament’s responsibility to properly scrutinise the Government while respecting the decision of the British people to leave the European Union”
This is a reference to the denial of Crown Prerogative to trigger Article 50. The statement proposes that the House of Commons recognise that denial. The House duly voted for it. So, now the author would hazard a guess that the Supreme Court would be safe to overturn the High Court decision to deny Crown Prerogative, as the Executive branch, with this motion, has conceded to Parliamentary scrutiny of the process. Now, considering that Parliament is merely a rubber stamping vassal of the EU, and the EU is an essential tool of the British Government for tyranny, we can expect the statement to mean this: Parliament should make sure that there is a Brexit that fools the British people, but that isn’t really a departure from the EU. The non-exit is going to be generated by a forest of problems that were planted by this motion, and will grow up in due course. And the basis of that statement comes from this: “[The House]… calls on the Prime Minister to commit to publishing the Government’s plan for leaving the EU before Article 50 is invoked”.
What this is talking about is the genesis of what will become an Article 50 bill where the Commons will add conditions – say continued membership of the Single Market – and the Government will tell the public that it is a necessary evil, but compromise must be made with the “sovereign” Parliament to execute a departure from the EU. Labour MPs have already talked about using the plan this way:
If the government’s Brexit plan did not fulfil… [their] conditions, Labour would try to impose these terms on the government by amending the bill. On Sky News a moment ago, asked what would happen if the government did not cooperate,… [Keir Starmer, the shadow Brexit secretary] said the government would face “further challenge” from Labour. He refused to elaborate on what this might mean.
In addition, it appears that the production of this Brexit plan isn’t dependent on any Supreme Court decision. So we should assume that whatever happens there, the Government now has an option to whip out something from which an Article 50 Bill will emerge – even if it doesn’t need to. And if you think they can’t do this and the Referendum result was an instruction, without conditions, to leave the EU, then maybe you haven’t seen the definitions that were agreed on by the amendment that the Tories added to the motion.
Here is that amendment:
At end add ‘, consistently with the principles agreed without division by this House on 12 October; recognises that this House should respect the wishes of the United Kingdom as expressed in the referendum on 23 June; and further calls on the Government to invoke Article 50 by 31 March 2017.’
In this statement it was proposed that the result of the EU referendum was a “wish” of the “United Kingdom” – and MPs duly voted for it. So, the result of the referendum, as far as “sovereign” Parliament is concerned, is not an instruction without conditions. It is a mere expression of a desire. (And just what is the “United Kingdom” exactly? Shouldn’t the statement refer to the people?). Moreover, the statement proposed that the House of Commons “should respect” the referendum result. This isn’t the same as “must enforce” the result. And think about it. Why should the Commons have to enforce the result when, after all, the result is merely a desire. And consider the word “respect”. Respect is a state that can exist without agreement. So, the House of Commons can respect the EU referendum result without agreeing with what it implies. Respect for a position is a state that can exist without having to adopt that position. The House of Commons can respect the EU referendum result without adopting it.
Finally, there is the phrase “[this House] further calls on the Government to invoke Article 50 by 31 March 2017”. This is what everyone was excited about, but what for? There is no power of compulsion. The House isn’t forcing the Government to invoke Article 50 by March 31st, or even the next day – April Fools’ day – which would have been an entirely more appropriate date to supply. In any case, invoking Article 50 won’t be the same as leaving the EU if the way is now open – which it entirely is – to water it down.
The bottom line is that Article 50 is a trap whereby the British Government can bring about a legal quagmire and a state of living death in terms of EU membership. Article 50 is a huge red herring. What people should be looking for is the repealing of the 1972 European Communities Act, and there is only one party that has now announced a policy for doing it: UKIP. Well done Sleaford and North Hykeham.